A year on from the deadly violence against young protesters in Kenya, yet more bloodshed has taken place at demonstrations commemorating the tragic events of June 2024.
With officials branding the June 2025 protests an “attempted coup,” Ibrahim Sakawa Magara warns that the Ruto administration’s repression, criminalisation of dissent, and propaganda are setting a dangerous precedent—and risk alienating an entire generation of young Kenyans. Instead of doubling down on force, Magara urges, Ruto should pursue reconciliation and engage with the protesters’ demands.
Kenya’s Crisis of Governance: A Nation at Odds with its Youth
In June 2024, Kenya witnessed a wave of spontaneous demonstrations, largely driven by young people – now commonly referred to as the Gen Z movement – who took to the streets in protest against the government’s 2024 Finance Bill. The protests culminated in the unprecedented storming of Parliament on 25 June 2024. The state’s response was swift and deadly. Numerous young protesters were shot dead by security forces, triggering national and international condemnation.
President William Ruto’s initial reaction was to delegitimise the demonstrations, framing them as orchestrated attacks by criminal and treasonous gangs rather than legitimate civic expressions. Though he later retracted this assertion and promised reforms – none of which have materialised – he simultaneously absorbed figures from Raila Odinga’s Orange Democratic Movement (ODM) into a so-called “broad-based government.” President Ruto has publicly defended the alliance with ODM, describing it as a unifying, “God‑sent” framework and dismissing critics as alarmists.
However, critics argue that the broad-based government, in fact, mirrored the very “Handshake government” Ruto had previously derided during a Chatham House address in 2020. During a Chatham House address in March 2022, then‑Deputy President Ruto condemned the previous “Handshake” between Uhuru Kenyatta and Raila Odinga, stating that, “today in Kenya, we have a mongrel of a governance system… You don’t know whether it is the government that is in opposition or the opposition is the one that is in government.” This remark underscored his disdain for what he saw as institutional dysfunction, yet ironically similar to the model he later employed by incorporating ODM into his own government under the problematic broad-based arrangement.
With the opposition co-opted – many believe through political and financial inducement – the Ruto administration intensified its crackdown on dissent. What has followed is a deeply troubling campaign of arbitrary arrests, enforced disappearances, and extrajudicial killings, with youth being disproportionately targeted.
The death of Albert Ojwang: A flashpoint
The controversial and brutal killing of Albert Ojwang, a young teacher and blogger, in police custody days before the first anniversary of the 2024 protests intensified public anger. Ojwang was picked up by police officers from his home in Homa Bay County after allegedly defaming the Deputy Inspector General (DIG) of Police, Eliud Lagat. He was transported to Nairobi’s central police station, where he was found dead the following day.
Although Lagat has since “stepped aside,” questions remain unanswered. Was there a formal complaint? On what grounds was Ojwang arrested and transferred across counties? Who authorised the operation, and who was responsible for his death? These critical issues remain shrouded in opacity, though ongoing court proceedings may help provide clarity.
Following Ojwang’s death, demonstrations erupted in Nairobi. During one protest, police shot and killed Joshua Eli, a street vendor, at close range. The incident added to a growing perception of state brutality and disregard for human rights.
25 June 2025: A commemoration turned deadly
On 25 June 2025, Kenyans—mainly youth—returned to the streets to mark the anniversary of the June 2024 killings. Despite government efforts to downplay the protests, including assurances by Interior Cabinet Secretary (CS) Kipchumba Murkomen and Government Spokesperson Isaac Mwaura that it would be “business as usual,” Parliament and State House were pre-emptively barricaded with razor wire, an action contradictory to their public messaging.
The protests were again met with excessive police force. More than ten people were reportedly killed, hundreds injured, and government buildings, including courts and police stations, were vandalised, looted or set ablaze. This prompted the government to radically shift its narrative, now alleging the protests were part of an attempted coup. Deputy President Kithure Kindiki described 25 June 2025 – the day of the demonstration – as “the most violent and anarchic day in the history of our country since the 2007-8 Post-Election Violence.” On his part, CS Murkomen described the events of the day as “attempted coup,” further framing it in the language of a planned insurrection and funded effort to topple the government of William Ruto. On her part, Chief Justice Martha Koome likened the damage to “terrorism.”
Yet these claims are difficult to reconcile with the government’s earlier assurances that the day would pass without incident. If, as officials now allege, intelligence had indeed indicated a planned coup, why did the government publicly downplay the threat? More importantly, why did it disregard the formal notices and clear public declarations by Kenyans intending to peacefully commemorate the 25 June 2024 anniversary? This contradiction not only raises serious concerns about the coherence and honesty of the state’s messaging, but also underscores the widening trust deficit that continues to define President Ruto’s administration.
Rigathi Gachagua and the ethnicisation of protest
Amid these contradictions, the state has begun attributing the unrest to former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua, who has become a vocal government critic following his controversial impeachment in October 2024. In an all-too-familiar script in Kenyan politics, the protests are now being reframed through an ethnic lens, with pro-government politicians suggesting they are orchestrated by Gachagua to advance narrow regional (Central or Mount Kenya region) and ethnic (Kikuyu) interests.
In a sweeping blame game, government allies have accused a range of actors – media, civil society, foreign missions, international donors, religious leaders, and ordinary Kenyans – of enabling the unrest. There are also reports suggesting that state operatives infiltrated the peaceful protests to deliberately provoke chaos and justify the clampdown.
Murkomen has since controversially issued a de facto “shoot-to-kill” order, while Kindiki declared that the government would “never again” allow such protests to occur – statements that directly contradict constitutional protections under Article 37 of the 2010 Constitution.
Neglecting real grievances, fuelling national discontent
Crucially, the government has made little meaningful effort to address the legitimate demands voiced by protesters, including calls for an end to corruption, economic justice, youth employment, and equitable access to healthcare and education. Instead, it has responded with a mix of repression, propaganda, and superficial development initiatives. Among these are MP Oscar Sudi’s controversial public donations, which have drawn criticism for their opacity and perceived misuse of public resources. Similar events have been organised across the country by senior officials, including Deputy President Kithure Kindiki, who presents them as empowerment forums. However, critics argue that these gatherings resemble early and unconstitutional re‑election campaigns by President Ruto, amounting to the usual tribal and tokenistic approaches by Kenyan politicians that fail to address structural issues.
President Ruto has co-opted elements of the political opposition, tightened his grip on power, and continued to neglect the country’s deep-rooted systemic challenges. Politicians aligned with the government have frequently drawn criticism for their perceived arrogance and detachment from public concerns. At the same time, individuals such as Farouk Kibet, a close aide to the President, are seen to wield outsized influence, including involvement in the questionable disbursement of public funds, raising serious transparency issues. These concerns have been amplified by public criticism, and, notably, by former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua, who has issued damning claims about the roles of both Kibet and digital strategist Dennis Itumbi within the inner workings of Ruto’s administration.
Rather than delivering structural reforms, the government has pursued dubious empowerment initiatives and disbursed funds of questionable origin. Those who challenge these programmes are branded enemies of development or stooges of the opposition.
Conclusion: Suppression under the guise of stability
The Ruto administration’s approach to governance increasingly reflects a disregard for democratic norms and civil liberties. Following the tragic events of June 2024, any responsible government would have sought reconciliation through genuine apologies, reparations, and reforms. Instead, the state doubled down on repression, leading to yet another round of bloodshed a year later.
By framing peaceful demonstrators as terrorists and coup plotters, the government has created a dangerous precedent, one where constitutional rights are treated as subversion and dissent is criminalised. In doing so, it risks not only undermining democracy but alienating the very generation that holds Kenya’s future – the youth.
There is an old saying: “When you find yourself in a hole, stop digging.” Whether President Ruto’s government will heed this wisdom remains uncertain. For now, the signs suggest a regime more focused on further digging, hellbent on silencing critics rather than solving problems.